Welcome to GlasNews online! GlasNews is a quarterly publication on East-West contacts in all aspects of communications - including journalism, telecommunications, photography, opinion research, advertising and public relations.
GlasNews is published by the Art Pattison Communications Exchange Program, based in Seattle.
This is your guide to the Autumn 1994 issue of GlasNews. New issues are distributed quarterly via the *soc.culture.soviet* newsgroup on UseNet, and via *glasnost.news* on PeaceNet.
GlasNews wants to hear from you - and we extend a special invitation to communications professionals in Russia and other newly independent states.An on-paper version of GlasNews is available for an annual subscription of $20. Send us a message at *glasnews@eskimo.com* or at the Art Pattison Communications Exchange Program, 111 W. Harrison, Seattle, Wash. 98119. Voice phone: Communication Northwest, 206-285-7070. Fax: 206-281-8985.
Tax-deductible contributions to CEP are greatly appreciated and acknowledged. Thanks to our latest contributors: The U.S. Agency for International Development through The Eurasia Foundation; and U S West International.
Acknowledgments also to the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, Ray Berry, Kim Carney and Lorraine Pozzi for technical assistance.
GlasNews articles, as well as GlasNet bulletins and material related to the October crisis, are available via ftp from ftp.eskimo.com in directory u/g/GlasNews. You can also get GlasNews via the World Wide Web at this locale: http://solar.rtd.utk.edu/friends/news/glasnews/master.html
Chairman David Endicott / Managing Editor Alan Boyle
Grigory Shevelyov is one of the rare few in the middle of the battlefield. As a broadcast executive, he rails against the authorities' attempts to interfere with Russian news media. But as first deputy chairman of Ostankino state television and radio, he is in effect one of those authorities.
It's as a businessman that Shevelyov is perhaps most active, since Alexander Yakovlev, his boss and "the grandfather of glasnost," takes the spotlight in the political sphere. During a November trip to America, Shevelyov was working on partnerships with broadcast heavyweights across the country, including a deal with Turner Broadcasting for a jointly produced documentary series about the Cold War.
These days it's downright risky to be a journalist in Russia. On the most basic level, journalists are being beaten and killed, with the recent suitcase-bombing of Moskovsky Komsomolets reporter Dmitry Kholodov as the most shocking example.
There are political challenges as well. One major battle is being waged over a proposed law on the media. President Boris Yeltsin sees the law as "a threat to the main prize of Russian democracy" aimed at turning over control of the media to "narrow corporative political circles." His legislative critics say Yeltsin is merely trying to perpetuate government control of the media, by direct and indirect means.
The media are caught in the middle of an economic battle as well, and many reports hint at plans for a dramatic restructuring of the state-owned broadcasting system.
During a stopover in Seattle, Shevelyov addressed these questions as an impassioned journalist, an accomplished bureaucrat and a wily businessman:
Q: I've been reading about the draft law on broadcasting, and it seems rather controversial. So I wanted to get your perspective on how government and broadcasters will be working in the future, and how you see the future at Ostankino. Is there a threat to the independence of broadcast centers?
A: I absolutely agree with you that there are a lot of controversies in this draft that was published. But this is the reality for broadcast organizations in Russia today. It would be impossible for the law not to reflect the state of the political struggle in the country, and especially in relation to television.
In public life today, the influence on television is one of the main battlegrounds in this fight for power in Russia. The central print press is not that accessible for the public. The only means to influence a nationwide audience is through television and radio. For that reason, the battle over this law reflects the battle for power.
The only thing we're really happy about is that the president is very persistent in his position. Under the constitution, the law cannot become effective without his approval. What's more, this law was discussed by the presidential administration during the first reading, and as far as I know, President Yeltsin's remarks already have been given to the Duma - and these remarks do reflect the democratic character of the president's intentions.
Now about the situation at Ostankino: There are two aspects to this issue. One is associated with the path of political development in the country. The chairman, the top management and the employees are fighting to preserve the independence of the station. And the main principle is the station's democratic orientation.
We would hate to take part in the power play. We really prefer to be consistent champions of democracy. The authority of our company's president, Alexander Yakovlev, inside and outside the company, guarantees that Ostankino will stay true to the course.
The second aspect of the problems we are running into are of an economic nature. Most definitely, economics is interwoven with politics. So in order to keep politically independent, Ostankino seeks economic independence.
There are a number of projects under way to develop Ostankino as an international channel for the Commonwealth of Independent States, because of course our signal is carried throughout the former Soviet Union. For this reason, Ostankino is the major broadcaster shaping the information space. But the market we're entering unavoidably imposes upon us the market relationship.
We would like to turn Ostankino into a shareholding company, with the lion's share going to the state. That will give us the means to stay independent and solve our economic problems.
(On Nov. 30, Yeltsin signed a decree authorizing the sale of 49 percent of Ostankino's shares to various investors such as Russian banks. The state would retain 51 percent ownership. Ostankino would be renamed "Russian Public Television," according to a Reuters report about the decree.)
We're also seeking ways to replenish our coffers that are not traditional in Russia. Out of all the state-owned television companies, we've probably had the most success at this. We are engaged in very efficient, active advertising operations. We're developing television production companies that would be offspring of Ostankino. These companies would supply us with material, and on top of that the productions would be distributed to third parties, with Ostankino receiving a share of the revenues.
So we have to create a constellation of new systems. While independent, they will have a connection to Ostankino. They will be required to provide their films to Ostankino, but they won't be barred from international markets.
Q: So some of the revenue from sales to foreign broadcasters would go back to Ostankino?
A: Of course. At a certain age, every parent is entitled to assistance from his children. We think these production companies will be interested in supporting Ostankino because the fact that their productions have aired on Ostankino will give them world recognition.
Q: How do the production companies feel about this arrangement? Are you negotiating with them on this?
A: If you asked me this question a year ago, I would have given you an evasive answer. Today, there's a realistic understanding of the concept, and practical steps have been taken.
One of the projects that we're putting into operation right now is some new know-how in the development of Russian television. The independent production companies -- which were formerly organic units of Gosteleradio -- are becoming spinoffs. So I think the development of these production companies will be more intense, more active. They're more adjusted to the workings of the market.
We want to see them become independent in the market and not tightly connected by an umbilical cord. It's time to cut the cord. We want them to be free, because air time is very limited. They have time slots on Ostankino, but we'd like to see them find other opportunities. The intellectual level and the caliber of our facilities are so great that the output could be significantly higher, and all that output could not be used on Channel 1.
(In later comments, Shevelyov indicates that Ostankino does not intend to support unsuccessful production units and that such companies would lose their air time on the network.)
Q: It's a delicate thing, of course, because on one hand there are some companies who might say, "Well, why are you kicking us out of the nest?" And on the other hand some companies might say, "Well, we're doing all the work here and making the money. Why should we turn some of it over to the parents?"
A: It all depends on how you bring up your children.
We don't have answers for all the questions here. The expansion of programming would saturate the Russian television market, which is a very important consideration. One of the goals of our trip to the United States is to search for methods of cooperation that will enable us to bring American product into the Russian market. With our partners (in America), we're developing productions that will help us pursue our goals in the television business, that will be lucrative for both sides.
We do have a lot of foreign and American programming on our channel, and I must tell you that it's not the worst of the product. But when it's too much of a good thing, it becomes a surfeit. And some of it is a form not easily digestible in Russia. So you get nauseated, and then you yearn for something that's homemade - national programming. The programming that comes from Ostankino is world-class. The achievements of world culture are accessible to the Russian viewer, so they should be balanced with homemade product to give the correct information picture, covering the gamut of cultural affairs.
Q: In the law that we have been discussing, there is some mention of content requirements, that two-thirds of the programming should be of Russian origin. Is that the sort of approach that you have in mind?
A: Well, it's one way to check the Western invasion. It's not our discovery. Other countries have such laws to enforce a balance of national and foreign product. We see it as a quite normal thing to do. It provides an incentive to domestic producers to compete with the foreign-made product.
Q: Now, if there's a joint production with a foreign production company, would that count as domestic content, or foreign content?
A: In my view, if the two sides equally share in the work, which means talent and brains, if there's a true partnership in the subject of the work and the use of archival footage, why should it be considered a foreign production?
Q: So the two-thirds/one-third split seems like something you can live with?
A: I think so. Although in the initial stage we may experience some difficulties with it.
There is one catch. This content requirement applies only to the state-owned stations. It bypasses the commercial independent stations, which doesn't seem fair to me. I would very much like to see an equality of opportunity and an aristocracy of achievement.
Q: Is that something that may change as the law proceeds through the system?
A: It's hard to say, but we're going to fight. From our point of view it's not fair. Striking the right balance between international and domestic content is not just the concern of the state-owned networks, rather it's the job of all mass media....
Q: Who would be responsible for monitoring the implementation of the legislation?
A: Life compels journalists to organize in Russia.... Not long ago, a Television League was created, and I was a member of the founding committee. A short time ago, the Russian Academy of the Television Arts and Sciences was created; the president of the foundation, I think, is well-known in the United States as well as Russia. He is Vladimir Pozner. This is a social foundation, and I am the chairman.
The goal of this structure is to protect the interests of journalists and make them known to the legislature, and to support the development of television and radio in the country ... to enhance professional and business development.
Q: But in terms of levying fines or punishing people who are not in accordance with legislation, who would be responsible for that? Is there a governmental body that will be in charge?
A: The law provides for the creation of a federal department for television and radio. The function of that body will be to issue licenses and supervise the fulfillment of the license, and to promote the development of national programs in electronic mass media. This department will have representatives of the legislature, the presidential administration and broadcast personnel. I think this will eventually be a very good law enforcement body. The main lever they will use would be revocation of a license, as is the case with the FCC.... We shall see how this is going to work. We are presently creating institutions aimed at protecting democracy, and so we have to wait and see how all this is going to be implemented.
Q: There is also a provision about foreign ownership -- that a media outlet can be no more than 49 percent owned by foreign interests.
A: As far as I know, different figures apply to broadcasters ... I don't recall the exact figures.
Q: What would happen to broadcast outlets that are already majority foreign-owned. For example, there are already some radio stations that are majority foreign-owned. Would the foreign interests have to divest some of their share?
A: I can't say what's going to happen. I do know that once the law takes effect, relicensing of all broadcasters will be enforced. New licenses will be issued in conformity with the law that is enacted.
Q: So there won't be any grandfather clause?
A: I just don't know. I can tell you for sure that there was talk about the necessity of issuing new licenses. It is associated not only with law enforcement, but in the interest of introducing stricter, more regulated order. In the past, there was a hodgepodge of authority that granted some broadcast units licenses even though they weren't deserving, and others couldn't get licenses even though they should have. For a certain period the licensing system wasn't functioning at all. So we have to start fresh.
Q: What sorts of changes do you anticipate might be made in the law?
A: It's difficult to give an answer to inconcrete questions -- we'll have to go through the text point by point. Generally, I think we've discussed the answer already. We in the broadcast sphere and the print press will be focusing on the protection of press independence, freedom of expression. And we will fight against any discrimination between foreign, state-owned and non-state-owned companies.
Five years ago there were monopolies in the broadcast and print media. Today it's impossible to suppress any fact that the journalists want to pass on to the public. Now the authorities are trying to stifle the press, but they don't understand one thing: You may be able to stifle one newspaper or broadcast station, but the facts will surface in some other place, a different newspaper or station. That's why the process is irreversible. The situation isn't simple anymore, it's complex. All people have an inalienable right to know what is going on. And all this has happened just in the past five years.
Q: But now another problem has cropped up: Newspaper circulation is dropping, and some journalists in Russia now say that the people are tired of politics, that the newspapers nowadays are filled with sex and crime....
A: Well, that's so, but not completely so. The circulation of newspapers is dropping, because people are tired of the subject matter, but also because the cost of delivering the newspaper is many times the cost of producing the newspaper. And I'm not even mentioning how long it takes to deliver the paper.
People are not indifferent to what's important in politics. It's true that they are tired of the low politics and the mafia shootouts. I assure you that the audience is very sensitive, and they quickly figure out what is essential and what is not....
(Shevelyov describes the units that are being spun off:)
Ostankino has a unit providing made-for-TV movies. It has a long history, with many partners throughout the world, and it's called Ekran (Screen). They make the sorts of movies that could be made at movie studios. They have some very talented old-timers there. Well, Ekran is subject to the all the processes going on at Ostankino in general. Because of the state budget, today we have no money to do those sorts of movies. The course of our operations is determined by the most pressing needs of our station. So Ekran is searching for investors.
We want to make sure that Ekran does not lose its importance as it undergoes structural transformation. I think it will be a holding company acting as an umbrella for several production studios: a studio for kids, animation, Russian miniseries.... Russia was the first to start serials -- like many things, we start it, then we forget about it, then we start thinking that we took the idea from the West....
Q: How long do you think it will take to complete this process of spinning off the production companies?
A: We thought by the end of the year it would be done, but we overestimated our capabilities and underestimated the human factor as well as other organizational issues. As Gorbachev said, "The process goes on."
The idea is an outgrowth of this summer's "New Media for a New World" conference in Moscow, which brought together journalists and computer networkers from America and Russia. Such a bulletin board would make it easier, particularly for Russian participants, to continue discussing how the development of the "Global Information Infrastructure" can help transform world society.
It would also serve as a forum for information about the 1995 "New Media for a New World" conference and any other events of interest - for example, the East-West International Conference on the Human-Computer Interface.
The prime mover behind the idea is Relcom's Tatiana Savenkova (tis@kiae.su). In order for the bulletin board to become a reality, 50 affirmative votes must be sent to Savenkova. Please send her your expression of support. Even though the initial traffic may be low, we believe this will in time become an important forum.
An English translation of the charter for the newsgroup follows. Russian text may be retrieved via anonymous FTP from ftp://ftp.eskimo.com/u/g/GlasNews/nm.nw/charter.rus.
The conference brought together participants from a wide range of professions, from America as well as the former Soviet Union: representatives of the mass media (from front-line journalists to administrators), various social, scientific and educational organizations, and representatives of technical professions.
In all, there were more than 70 participants, including representatives of:
After the conclusion of the conference, the debate is continuing in the form of private correspondence. Most of the participants in the discussion lean toward the view that the questions raised would be interesting to a considerably wider audience. It is clear that in order to conduct these discussions more conveniently, and in order to draw in new participants (particularly from Russia), a teleconference relating to the relevant themes should be created.
TITLE: relcom.comp.newmedia
STATUS: Open, non-commercial, unmoderated
TOPICS:
WORKING LANGUAGE: Russian or English. Efforts should be made to respond to postings in the language of the original posting.
GENERAL RULES: The usual network rules of conduct would be in force: tolerance, politeness and informativeness.
- Tatiana Savenkova, tis@kiae.su
- Yevgeny Peskin, Relcom newsgroups coordinator, eugene@rd.relcom.msk.su
We ask that remarks, additions and suggestions concerning the creation of this teleconference and its charter be sent to the first address: tis@kiae.su
The same situation exists in Russia and the other republics. It's true that few places in Russia have the required connections to run Mosaic or other high-powered graphical browsers, but anyone with a real-time connection to the Internet can use less glitzy programs to plug into the Web. Browsers such as Lynx also allow you to navigate FTP and Gopher much more easily.
Some of the newest East-West Web sites include:
* The GlasNet Web (http://www.glasnet.ru) So far this is little more than a gateway to GlasNet's gopher server and Web-based information about Glasnet and its sister organizations in the Institute for Global Communications. But it's a good beginning.
* Internews (http://red.path.net/internews) Based in California, Internews is the premier media development organization for broadcast outlets in the former Soviet Union. It has a surprising array of ventures outside Russia, and its Web site has a wealth of information about Russian/CIS media.
* Center for Civil Society International (http://solar.rtd.utk.edu/ccsi/ccsihome.html) Seattle-based CCSI specializes in the development of civil organizations in Central and Eastern Europe. The Web site is a clearinghouse for resources on and off the Net, organizations involved in all types of social and economic development. Media are just one part of the picture here; you'll find more about education, health issues, legal issues ... and the list goes on.
* St. Petersburg Web (http://www.spb.su) An excellent gateway to Russia's second city, complete with the St. Petersburg Press and the St. Petersburg Business Journal in English. Don't miss it.
Of course, no East-West Web tour would be complete without visiting Relcom's Window-to-Russia, Sovam, Dazhdbog's Grandsons and so on. Perhaps the best place to start would be with Friends & Partners (the host for CCSI as well as GlasNews). Head for http://solar.rtd.utk.edu/friends/home.html to begin with. Friends & Partners has perhaps the best gateway to Russian Web sites at http://solar.rtd.utk.edu/friends/info.html.
If you can't get to the Web any other way, you can telnet to solar.rtd.utk.edu (in the West) or april.ibpm.serpukhov.su (in the former Soviet Union). At the login prompt, type: friends (then hit enter). Be sure you are using a VT100 terminal emulation. You will then be using the Lynx browser to navigate the Web, courtesy of Friends & Partners.
To go to a particular site, type "g," then type in the uniform resource locator (http://... ftp://... gopher://...) for the desired site.
The Russian-American Media Partnership is aimed at fostering the development of independent Russian newspapers and magazines, broadcast outlets and news services. Russian media organizations would be linked with American counterparts, and RAMP would facilitate training programs, exchanges and other activities aimed at helping Russian mass media become financially successful.
Internews is focusing on the broadcast side of the program. The organization operates dozens of programs focusing on non-governmental television in the Newly Independent States, including training and education, organization, production and distribution.
RAPIC's focus is on print media. RAPIC is a cooperative venture involving the Russian Academy of Sciences' USA-Canada Institute as well as New York University's Center for War, Peace and the News Media.
For more information, contact Gerard Langrognat of Internews (in Moscow, 973-2144; fax: 291-2174) or Paul Janensch of RAPIC (203-3786; fax: 203-6831).
* The Board for International Research Exchanges sponsors one- and two-year training programs for midcareer journalists at U.S. universities. Applicants must pass the TOEFL and GRE exams. Last year 15 journalists were placed; this year IREX expects to place more journalists. For information, contact Chris Speckhard (Moscow telephone: 290-6233; fax: 202-4449; e-mail: cspeck@glas.apc.org).
* The Eurasia Foundation is preparing its second competition for Russian newspapers to support projects in news gathering, management and professional training. This competition is for general-interest newspapers in the Urals region with a circulation more than 3,000; four or more pages; no party or ideological affiliation; and whose advertising space is 40 percent or less. For information, contact Oksana Bokareva (956-1235; fax: 956-1239; e-mail: efmoscow@glas.apc.org).
* The BBC Marshall Plan of the Mind, part of the BBC's World Service, plans to conduct a training course for financial journalists in early December in Moscow. If successful, plans are to take it on the road to various regions of Russia. In addition, BBC World Service has a London-based training program for Russian journalists. For information, contact Andrew Spark (956-3113 and 956-3114; fax: 956-3115)
* The Russian-American Press and Information Center hopes to conduct a joint conference with the Freedom Forum in April that would bring recognized experts of ethics to Moscow. RAPIC is also launching a Freedom of Information development program to create a standing commission similar to the U.S.-based Reporters' Committee for Freedom of the Press. Finally, a program to train journalists covering legal issues is being organized with an initial seminar in Moscow, with regional sessions to be held later. For information, contact Renny Hart (203-5702; fax: 203-6831; e-mail: renny@glas.apc.org).
Pilugin's duties in Moscow include setting up a computer data base for Russian media and international media development organizations; pairing up Russian and American journalism schools; and assisting in the screening of candidates for training programs sponsored by the U.S. government. You can contact Pilugin in Moscow at 291-5985 (fax: 203-6831; e-mail: nwpilugin@glas.apc.org).
* Post-Soviet Media Law and Policy is a newsletter surveying the political and legal scene for media throughout the former Soviet Union, from Moscow to Mongolia. For information, contact editor Monroe Price in New York (212-790-0402; fax: 212-790-0205).
GlasNews is the publication of the Art Pattison Communications Exchange Program 111 W. Harrison Street Seattle, Wash. 98119 USA Phone: 206-285-7070 Fax: 206-281-8985 E-mail: glasnews@eskimo.com