In the past two years, one of the most encouraging signs of Russia's progress toward a democratic society, has been Independent Television or NTV.
The television station, which along with the Sevodnya newspaper and radio station Ekho Moskvy is financed by the MOST Group, had earned a reputation for hard-hitting, in-depth and professional journalism.
NTV's critical coverage of the Chechen war stood in sharp contrast to Russia's other two major channels, state controlled ORT (formerly Ostankino) and state financed RTR.
Its uncompromising and often irreverent style has not endeared NTV to the authorities in the past.
The popular program Kukly, a weekly puppet show that spoofs Russia's leaders drew the fire of former Procurator Alexei Illyushenko.
NTV, rather than backing down, turned its attention on Mr Illyushenko with a series of investigative reports on corruption in his office.
Mr Illyushenko has since moved from heading the procurators office to prison where he is awaiting trial for corruption.
The case was viewed by many as not simply a victory for the free press, but also as an important precedent for the media in its role as society's watchdog against abuses of power.
Indeed, many observers have come to view NTV not only as the most reliable source of television news, but also as a bellwether of the country's democratic development.
Recently, many have begun to question NTV's independence.
The first doubts came when NTV President Igor Malashenko joined the campaign of President Boris Yeltsin as a media advisor.
Later, when reporting on a poll conducted by VTsIOM, the All-Russian Center for Public Opinion Research, NTV's Itogi program neglected to note that the poll showed that liberal economist Grigory Yavlinsky, not Mr Yeltsin, has the best chance of defeating Communist leader Gennady Zyuganov in a second round run-off.
The analysis instead focused on the fact that Mr Yeltsin was running second behind Mr Zyuganov and gaining ground and Mr Yavlinsky was still in third place.
When Mr Yeltsin presented his Chechen peace plan, a docile press, including NTV, assisted him. For the presentation of the plan on March 31, the president included representatives of the nation's major television channels, Irina Sharapova of ORT, Nikolai Svanidze of RTR and Yevgeny Kiselyov of NTV.
These media representatives, including Mr Kiselyov, tended to ask leading questions that tended to assist the president in presenting his plan, rather than the probing difficult and necessary querries that are expected of journalists at such an important event.
According to The Moscow Times, "The questions they posed after the short presentation seemed specifically designed to put the president and the peace plan in the best possible light."
The latest and most disturbing chapter in NTV's honeymoon with the president was its interview with Russia's first lady, Naina Yeltsin, last Sunday.
This interview also avoided any difficult questions and appeared as a well packaged extended campaign advertisement for the president.
It is odd to see NTV, which is Russia's only independent national television station, suddenly bending over backwards to present the president in the same positive light as when we see him on state television.
This also raises several questions. Is NTV under pressure to ease its criticism of Mr Yeltsin until after the election? Has the management genuinely changed its opinion regarding the president and his administration in the last month?
It appears that NTV, rather than being the victim of state pressure, is engaging in a form of self-censorship driven by fear of a Communist revival.
According to Andrei Piontkowsky of the Moscow Center for Strategic Studies, NTV's softball approach to Mr Yeltsin was part of a new policy formulated as a response to the growing possibility of a Communist victory in the presidential election.
"It used to be that [reformer Grigory] Yavlinsky was NTV's favorite son," Mr Piontkowsky was quoted as saying. "But behind NTV are bankers, rich people, the MOST Group, and they fear Zyuganov more than anything else. They were even ready to forgive Yeltsin for Chechnya."
It is understandable that many in the financial elite (which funds NTV) and the liberal intelligentsia (that watches it) are anxious about the consequences of a Communist victory in June. Given this country's history, such an outcome could very well prove to be catastrophic.
The best guarantee of democracy enduring on Russian soil is an informed and critical public. The mass media's role in this process, particularly during an election, is vital.
In this capacity, NTV has been of central importance. For the station to change this policy prior to an election, precisely when the mass media should be its most objective and critical, is a tragedy.
Sacrificing the principles of a free and independent media to avert a Communist victory and preserve democratic and market reforms, smacks of cutting off one's nose to spite one's face.
Support for the president in and of itself, is not necessarilly a bad thing. What is disturbing is the station's reasons for doing so, which are robbing the Russian public of a genuine debate at this crucial time.
The channel's current stance could come back to haunt NTV and Russia regardless of who wins on June 16.