The war in Bosnia lasted 43 months, with over 250,000 killed and as many injured. The number of victims continues to rise as a consequence of antipersonnel mines that are estimated to number between 1.5 to 4 million. This has left over 60% of the pre-war population affected, with most displaced within Bosnia but a large proportion seeking refuge in other countries (Craig 1995). The physical destruction to the country has been exceptional, so much so that cities like Mostar have been left with whole districts uninhabitable. Surveys carried out by organisations such as the World Bank (1995) have shown that the infrastructure is in serious disrepair with basic services such as electricity and sewerage now either non-operational or running at a fraction of its pre-war capacity. Many parts of the transportation links were damaged due to the targeting of important link bridges by the Serbs and the gradual decay of roads, hastened by extensive military use.

Such damage has generated health hazards from the water supplies, which were overused in the urban centres. The broken sewerage systems leak effluent onto the streets and consequently into the water supplies (World Bank 1995). Resolving the problems created will not be easy, as all sectors of the country's economy have suffered. This is because of the war casualties, the migration of workers, and the mobilisation of men into the army. Population movements have been considerable and a consistent trend has shown significant movement from rural areas to cities, with some areas, such as Tuzla, showing a population increase of 50%. Much of the country's industry, which was initially based around metal, mining and forestry was either destroyed or selected for conversion to the war effort (Craig 1995). The crumbling of the nation's economy has rendered it unable to restructure without the assistance of international organisations and other countries. The World Bank estimates that $5 billion will be needed in aid alone over the next three years, and an emergency grant, in the region of $600 billion is required to kick-start the economy (World Bank 1995). This will provide vital funding for the restoration of food production, the rebuilding of roads, the construction of schools and hospitals and restarting damaged power stations.

Before the war destroyed several centuries of cultural and architectural heritage, Sarajevo was regarded as the most exotic of Yugoslavia’s cities. Traces of the original settlement date back to before the growth of the Turkish Empire in the fifteenth century. The remainder of the city is spread out upon a plateau, within a circle of forest covered hills, beyond which lie more mountainous regions (Koenig 1994).

Sarajevo is architecturally a blend of East and West, old and new. In many respects the city is comprised of three towns in one – the old Oriental heart, the Art Nouveau Viennese city around it, and the contemporary city of high rise apartments and industrial plants that sprawled into the countryside (Denitch 1994). The old town of Sarajevo was a product of the Ottoman Empire and retained much of the Turkish character that was established in the sixteenth century.

Until 1992 the architecture from this period dominated the city centre and skyline, with over 70 mosques, located on the banks of the river Miljacka and several stone bridges spanning it (Koenig 1994). Sixteenth century culture is still a strong influence on modern day life. Until the war, traditional arts and crafts remained as small industries and Oriental restaurants served traditional meals that originated from when Sarajevo was just a small settlement (Denitch 1994).

Despite the city’s unique qualities, until just over a decade ago Sarajevo was known only for the assassination of the Archduke Ferdinand, which triggered the start of the First World War. However, the location of the 1984 Winter Olympics in Sarajevo generated new interest and it swiftly became a new tourist attraction and ski resort (Lonely Planet 1994).

For hundreds of years Muslims, Serbs, Croats, Turks and Jews coexisted peacefully in Sarajevo, making it one of the few cities to achieve multiethnic tolerance and establishing it as a symbol for the rest of Yugoslavia (Denitch 1994). The peaceful conditions that this situation created inspired the emergence of a heterogeneous popular culture among the younger generation. But the growth of a cosmopolitan environment in the city generated hostility from the rural areas that had remained sectarian and xenophobic (Woods 1996). This view is supported by Denitch (1994), who states the war in Bosnia was an "urbicide", an act of revenge on the part of the "local rednecks", who had always hated the city community.

Sarajevo was valuable to the Bosnians for three reasons. Firstly it was the capital of a new nation created when it was duly recognised as a country in its own right by the European Union in April of 1992. Secondly, it was a source of great national pride because of its rich blend of architecture and culture. But most importantly it was the birthplace of a new interdenominational culture poised to spread across the country (Ali & Lifschultz 1994). These significant factors explain why Sarajevo became the target for the siege, an operation that was designed to destroy the morale of a country by removing its heart. The siege on Sarajevo was designed as a "piece of violent theatre", which would grip the attention of the world (Vulliamy 1994).

The siege of Sarajevo began on the day of international recognition for Bosnia-Herzegovina. Serb artillery swiftly manoeuvred to take up positions in the hills that surrounded the city and began to pound the city with shells and rounds of machine gun fire. The topography of the region made the operation an easy task. Sarajevo lay exposed, and unable to defend itself from the bombardment. The siege has since been called a "war of aggression and attrition" because it set out to demolish the physical structure and identity of the city (Chaslin 1994, D’Erm 1997). The city suffered a long, slow destruction as individual buildings and national monuments were picked off one by one, targeted because of their significance to the people. Public buildings such as the Library and the Parliament offices were among of the first to be destroyed. The Library in the Institute for Oriental Studies was considered the most important target, destroyed because it contained most of the important of historical and literary documents for Bosnia (Vulliamy 1994). It was considered a major Library of Eastern Europe. These were soon followed by the many Mosques and other religious buildings, shelled as a warning to all of the Serbs’ lack of tolerance for faiths other than their own (Craig 1995).

The attrition of Sarajevo happened over two years taking an estimated 80,000 shells to turn parts of the city into rubble. After the siege had ended surveys indicated that the destruction of the city was extensive. In the centre of Sarajevo, the old town was severely damaged due to the concentration of bombing on the ornate fifteenth century public buildings and mosques. Tito Park along with the cafés, shops and marketplace had once been a popular meeting place but it quickly became a danger zone during hostilities.

On the fringes of the old town, the major arterial road that linked the city centre with the modern business and residential district bore scars of intensive bombing. Originally a tree-lined boulevard the road became the main target in a tactical decision by the Serbs to cut the city in two. It was swiftly transformed into a pockmarked no-mans land, littered with the burnt carcasses of vehicles. The road is known as "Sniper Alley" because the high ground that dominated the area providing good vantage points from which to fire shots at those who attempted to traverse the city (Craig 1996).

Damage to the city was so severe that whole districts were left in ruins, some sixty per cent of the original housing was rendered uninhabitable. Homelessness was considerable, forcing many to sleep in the cellars of abandoned buildings. The remaining houses bore varying degrees of structural damage, and the signs of makeshift repairs by their occupants such as strengthening the roof tiles with papier-mâché and tarpaulin were common (Wallen 1993).

The Olympic facilities, also a significant feature for Sarajevans, were all but razed to the ground. The shelling damaged the newly built stadium, setting it on fire and exposing it to the harsh winter weather, while the ski slopes, bobsled runs and cross country trails deteriorated from three years without maintenance (Craig 1995).

The siege made open space in Sarajevo a valuable commodity. Serbs cut electrical and gas services but Sarajevo showed great resilience, coping with winter temperatures of below –15 degrees by burning books and trees (Craig 1996). During the winter of 1993 every tree that lined the streets and parks (some of which dated from the Austrio-Hungarian period) were felled to provide fuel and wood for coffins (Vulliamy 1994).

As the death toll grew cemeteries became overcrowded and other available space, including the Olympic playing fields, was pressed into service. Between April and July of 1992 2,200 fresh graves were located in the Lion’s cemetery, once a public park with a few old graves in the corner (Vulliamy 1994). Row after row of hastily made wooden graves leave strong images and pose the question: what can be done with a city whose green spaces consist largely of graveyards?

The siege did not just destroy Sarajevo’s physical structure but also ruined the region’s economy. Originally the city had a strong industrial base including car manufacture, tobacco processing, a brewery and engine production. These were subjected to attack along with the rest of Sarajevo and duly suffered from a rapidly decreasing labour force, the result of both numerous deaths and people fleeing the area (Craig 1995). This damage has long-term consequences; since it may take some time for the people to return, and industry to take the risk of locating there. It is important that the local economy founded on local industry is established quickly. At present money for all development is supplied through foreign aid, but as part of the healing process Sarajevans should be encouraged to help themselves.

The Sarajevans witnessed the full atrocities of war, forced to watch helplessly the gradual attrition of their city and way of life. They became involved in a daily struggle for survival that had not been seen since the worst times of the Second World War (Wallen 1993). Sarajevo had been comfortable with its multiethnic status and had become a haven for those who thought the Balkans could live together peacefully.

With the outbreak of hostilities their way of life changed. Queues for bread and water quickly emerged and dodging bullets on the way to work became a way of life. At this early stage Sarajevo attempted to maintain a semblance of normality and showed strong spirit in the face of adversity. Musicians still played in the streets, the daily paper was still published and café life continued; though coffee prices rose to the equivalent of a month’s wage (Chaslin 1994). However the siege also generated the prison mentality; Muslim identity grew in strength as people turned to religion as a refuge.

Snipers infiltrated the city targeting civilians, intentionally aiming at women and children, and instilling terror in the civilian population. Deaths numbered between 18 and 30 each day, and funerals took place at night to avoid detection from snipers, since whole families of mourners had been killed during daytime ceremonies (Chaslin 1994). As the bombardments continued people resolved to live in the south rooms of their houses avoiding the north rooms that were most susceptible to hits from gunfire. Windows were blacked out and carpets put on balconies to obscure the view for snipers (Wallen 1993). Everyday life became a Russian roulette, particularly in the old town where the main streets ran on a north-south axis, directly along the line of fire. Crossroads were particularly hazardous to negotiate, and some were barricaded with abandoned cars and material salvaged from demolished buildings to allow safe passage. Most movement about the city was done on foot, but the cars that circulated did so quickly, to present a more difficult target.

The plight of the Sarajevan’s deteriorated as the siege tightened it’s grip on the city, and resources that entered the area through Serb territory were controlled. Stockpiles within the city were quickly used up and reliance on the meagre supplies of food, power and water, distributed by the Serbs grew (Wallen 1993). This control was used to great effect, and became a calculated psychological warfare designed to bring Sarajevo to its knees. Power was only supplied for thirty minutes late each night, ensuring people had to get up in order to start generators and prepare rice for the next day. As the siege lengthened, spirits sank and feeling of depression, fright and loneliness took over. The lack of intervention from outside forces such as the UN gave the impression that there was no interest in the conflict from the rest of the world (Chaslin 1994). Such isolation instilled desperation and the population began to lose its instinct for survival. People ate grass to stay alive.

Chaslin (1994) quotes Straus as describing the atmosphere of that time to be similar to those depicted in films like "Bladerunner" or "Brazil". He states in the diary he kept of his time in the city:

"Here begins the end of Eastern-European civilisation and the end of Philosophy. We are the first inhabitants of a New World."

It is likely that with morale so low and living conditions so bad in the city, the Serbs were close to achieving their goal. If the UN had not succeeded in beginning negotiations with Serb politicians, it is entirely possible that Sarajevo would have been annihilated. This conflict demonstrated the best and the worst aspects of human nature (Woods 1996). The best in terms of the Sarajevan resistance to brutilisation and their instinct for cooperation, the worst in the calculated, systematic destruction of the new cosmopolitan culture.

The experiences of the Sarajevans will remain in the country’s consciousness for a long time. The hardship endured and the hostility shown by the Serbs will become embedded in the city’s cultural history and even reconstruction will not be able to hide the constant reminders provided by the cemeteries and scarred buildings. However, the conflict has provided opportunities to show how Landscape Architecture can employ the spirit of collaboration shown by the Sarajevans and, in company with the expertise of other disciplines, can create a city that will help heal the wounds and promote reconciliation among the various ethnic groups.